By Niall Lucy
This Dictionary bargains issues of access into Derrida’s complicated and huge works.
* This Dictionary deals issues of access into Derrida’s advanced and wide works.
* From ‘aporia’ to ‘yes’, the Dictionary indicates methods into Derrida that convey what's at stake in his paintings.
* Demonstrates that Derrida is not only approximately philosophy, but in addition approximately politics and dad song.
* Explains why deconstruction issues, and the way Derrida can swap how you imagine.
* The A-Z entries are framed by way of essays at the inherent interdisciplinarity of Derrida’s paintings and on Derrida’s courting to quite a number different thinkers.
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Additional info for A Derrida Dictionary
What this calls for is a ‘double’ reading, one that acknowledges a certain limit to the interplay of literature and philosophy, ﬁgure and concept, representation and nonrepresentation, only to transgress that limit. Hence the linguistic exuberance of Dissemination – the ‘stylistic’ apparatus of puns and word-games, the lexical and typographical variations and so on – constitutes a way of writing that is also a way of reading. To see this way (or this double way) as belonging both to a certain tradition of the avant garde and to philosophy in its canonical sense (textually inventive and conceptually rigorous, as it were) would be to see it as a pharmakon effect, or in terms of nonoppositional difference.
To this extent he wanted psychoanalysis to be seen as a discipline modelled on the sciences. Yet at the same time there could be no hope of explaining scientiﬁcally an ‘object’ which Freud characterized in terms of what he called ‘overdetermination’, or what Derrida calls supplementarity, undecidability or the trace-like play of differential meanings. Meaning, for Freud, is always ‘overdetermined’; it is never the product of a single determining cause. As Joseph H. Smith and William Kerrigan argue, this is where ‘Derrida’s deepest, though ambivalent, indebtedness to Freud’ is revealed (‘Introduction’, p.
If the least we can say about each of us is that every one of us is a social being, then the only response to that question is to say, Come hither. This of course is not how the citizens of any nation have ever responded to that question, and that is why democracy must always be allowed to remain to come, regardless of national interests and politics. Again, the radical idea of a democracy to come is not antiEnlightenment, but certainly Derrida does intend it to exceed the conceptual and public limits of Enlightenment concepts of citizenship, parliamentary representation and the nation state, which rely on coastguards and border patrols to police those limits and to tell us all who’s there.