By Birgit Meyer
The critical topic of this quantity is the incorporation of newly available mass media into practices of non secular mediation in numerous settings, together with Pentecostal-charismatic church buildings and Islamic activities, and using spiritual types and pictures within the sphere of radio and cinema. in accordance with a long term cooperation, the members learn the function of faith and media within the emergence and sustenance of latest ‘aesthetic formations’ that entice the physique and the senses, and generate new kinds of binding and moods of belonging in our time.
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Extra resources for Aesthetic Formations: Media, Religion, and the Senses (Religion Culture Critique)
She’s very humble” is what Adilson told me when I asked him about her not saying a word. I knew what he was talking about. People would always tell me, time and again, that Mãe Stella is such a humble woman. Common, plain—humilde e simples—were the terms they would use. But that was not what I was looking at during this opening night. Amidst the hollow phrases and worn out clichés that make up the soundscape of officialdom, Mãe Stella remained silent, Queen of an Ineffable Sacred, radiating a power and potency that far exceeded the ministers, mayors, and academics.
Not unlike Pentecostal church services, the Venezuelan public sphere has become a site in which a politics of representation, with its own registers of critical reflection predicated on distance, is being replaced by a striving for the immediate “live” presence of political power, which, in turn, is heavily indebted to registers from televisual entertainment (Sánchez 2001). ” Despite being difficult to answer, the question itself is immediately relevant to the central proposition made in this introduction: the need for a conceptual shift from the notion of imagined communities to aesthetic formations.
Hundreds of cars were trying to make it to the opening night of the Cultural Week, impatiently honking their horns, clutching up ill-lit roads, and floodlighting the street vendors who ran from one car to the next to sell their cashew nuts and beer and silicone bra strings. Policemen were all around, trying to control the traffic and monitor the crowds, who, in a steady stream, entered the central square of the terreiro’s compound. Yes, the Candomblé elite was there. I recognized some of the dreadlocked activists from UNEGRO1 and Casa de Oxumaré, a Candomblé house with an activist profile; the chique ladies with their expensive afroprint dresses and turbans who always seem to be around; just as these men who—whatever the color of their skin—dress up in Nigerian fashion, with 32 Mattijs van de Port wide, colorful pants, caftan like shirts, and a little hat in matching print.